"After Notes" are appended below in which I comment on objections to
what I've written in this Op Ed piece.
[Published, slightly edited, in The Denver Post on
3/10/05 with title, "In a hole? Stop digging"]
Letters, they send letters. They defend and attack TABOR. Backers applaud: It
cuts "wasteful government spending." Opponents assail: It limits "needed
government services." But TABOR isn't the solution to, nor the cause of, our
problems. Here's why.
Cities and counties approve new growth. While
taxes and fees provide near term revenue for government services, they're
insufficient to cover long term costs (roads, schools, prisons, etc.). But we
don't feel the increased infrastructure load for years; it takes time to build
and occupy new development.
Taxes may offset what government spends on
infrastructure, but what's spent doesn't maintain levels of service. Examine any
new development traffic report; you'll find the level of service is degraded
even after developer “improvements.”
As long term costs arise,
governments raise property and sales taxes to pay for them. Because government
does the raising of taxes, taxpayers are led to believe the problem is "wasteful
government." Based on that belief, they've voted for laws like Gallagher and
TABOR, instead of recognizing that insufficient taxes and fees on new
development are responsible.
To increase revenue, growth proponents
advocate more growth to "increase the tax base." Trouble is, that growth also
doesn't cover long term costs; even more growth is "needed." This "doing what
feels good in the short term, but is harmful over the long term" is called
"addiction." This "addiction to growth" is very much like "addiction to drugs."
Infrastructure backlogs are a national problem. In September 2003, the
American Society of Civil Engineers updated its "report card” on the nation’s
infrastructure estimating a $1.6 trillion investment is required over the next
five years. The rate of increase is 9.25%/year, many times
inflation.
As infrastructure backlogs grows, eventually even growth
industries support tax increases for roads to increase the area accessible for
development. Note their support is for taxes on the general population, not for
impact fees and taxes on the industries that primarily profit from growth (e.g.,
developers, home builders, banks, utilities, road builders, newspapers, etc.).
In the literature on growth, these industries are called the "growth machine"
because they're informally and naturally organized by shared profit motives.
It's not in the financial interest of growth industries to acknowledge
this dynamic. Even those who really believe that "growth is good" find the
dynamic difficult to recognize. Their belief is confirmed by the initial
increase in revenue. When costs are displaced in time and space (e.g., Fountain
Creek drainage erosion), they're easy to ignore.
So what to do?
When you find yourself in a hole, the first thing to do is
stop digging. In this case, determine the rate at which short- and long-term
infrastructure costs are accumulated and collect impact fees to offset the
marginal (not average) costs of growth. Hear the screaming?
The
second, increase property taxes to drain the overall backlog. More
screaming! Though growth industries have primarily benefited, it's too late to
recoup the subsidies.
The trouble with TABOR is that approving
development with TABOR is like charging a credit card and then not paying the
bill. It locks the barn door after the horse has been stolen. It's misguided
public policy that contributes to the government dysfunction the "Doug Bruces"
complain about.
Not paying the bill is somewhat justified. It's sent to
the wrong people: all taxpayers rather than to growth industries. The costs of
growth are externalized onto the public at large rather than paid by those who
profit. Such negative externalities allow companies to privatize profits and
socialize costs. Those who praise "the market" should know that internalizing
the costs is important: unless market prices fully capture the costs, the market
cannot correctly allocate resources or properly inform purchase decisions.
Economic conservatives decry redistributing income, no matter the social
good; but they have no problem with redistributing costs, no matter the social
harm. So let's not beat around the bush. Those who oppose impact fees and excise
taxes on new development are as much socialists as those they batter with the
"socialist" label. They're socialists on the cost side ... and hypocrites, too.
______________________________________
For a more through treatment of the dynamics of growth, see the Growth Facts of Life and The
Tangle of Growth
______________________________________
After Notes:
1. You should look at "wasteful" government spending on social
programs before arguing we should lift TABOR.
A reader response:
What I think Bob is missing here is the fact that we (taxpayers) worry about
the wasteful government spending on social programs and other programs that
should not funded by the government. Opening the barn door will not only
increase spending on infrastructure, which is the purpose of government, but
also on unneeded social programs and other. This is the real trouble that
he did not address with convincing taxpayers to lift TABOR. You need to
look at the entire picture of what the government is spending OUR money on,
before you argue that we should lift TABOR. He did not convince
me.
I'm not missing a point about "wasteful
government spending" at all. This issue of what government spending should and
should not be on is a major debate. I address only a part of that, not the wider
issue. My thinking on the wider issue can be found at Explaining
Liberal Principles where I outline guiding principles for government
involvement in the economy. From the tone of this comment, it's unlikely
this reader will agree with them, but nevertheless I state my reasoning.
What this reader calls "wasteful" may or may not be; I'd have to hear
specifics. For example, I think it's wasteful (not to mention unfair) for the
public to subsidize developers and homebuilders in selling their products by
allowing them to externalize the long term costs of growth. Others think such
spending is "public spirited" ... and those in the "growth machine" spend a lot
of money trying to convince them that it is.
Relative to "opening
the barn door," it's interesting that any criticism of TABOR is
immediately seen as a position in favor of "lifting" TABOR. But I didn't exactly
say that.
I describe specifically how to proceed at The Tangle
of Growth page ... see the diagram there. Basically, taxes shouldn't be
raised at all ... AT ALL ... before we stop subsidizing growth ... that is,
FIRST STOP DIGGING. That's because the increased taxes will simply be
used for subsidizing more growth (... e.g., the governor wants to earmark taxes
for spending on new road construction ... a growth subsidy). That said, the
"ratchet effect" should be corrected.
My main purpose here is to explain
the dynamics to so many who are mystified by what's happening, but are still
open minded. A longer, but still fairly brief, explanation can be found at Growth
Facts of Life. The
Tangle of Growth is a thorough treatment.
I certainly don't
expect to convince diehard TABOR supporters, libertarians, or those who call
themselves "economic conservatives."
2. On using the term, "socialist"
A friend commented:
Probably the piece would be more credible if you hadn't dropped to the
name-calling level that the conservatives frequently occupy -- calling them
"socialists" is the same little counterproductive game they play. Calling
them "hypocrites" probably would have been sufficient.
Yes, I used the term, "socialist" ... not that that's a bad thing, given
the way the term is misused. Calling someone a "libertarian" ... now that's
name calling.
My goal wasn't "name-calling" as much as conveying an important concept that
I didn't think would get through otherwise.
As he says, those against impact fees are all too willing to call liberals
"socialists." As one person, refering to liberals wrote, "I prefer the more
accurate term, socialists." But liberals are not socialists,
because socialists call for government ownership of all businesses; liberals don't.
As I describe in Explaining Liberal Principles, sometimes
privatized (individualistic) approaches are doomed to fail or certain to produce
significantly less favorable results for society as a whole. In those
cases, we need government (collective) approaches. That's not following a
socialist ideology, it's pragmatic.
It seems that both hard core capitalists and hard core socialists would
rather pursue action according to their ideology and have the system fail, than
do what works. While there's truth in the need for individual action and
responsibility and while there's truth in the need for collective action and
responsibility, it's dangerous when either ideology takes a portion of the truth
and runs with it to regimes in which it does not apply.
I've come to realize that socialist is not necessarily any more of a
pejorative term than capitalist. Both can be "evil" (harmful or injurious) when
applied in situations for which they aren't capable of yielding the desired
results.
It's important that those against impact fees realize that socializing the
costs through negative externalities is a form of socialism.
They see themselves as virtuous, benevolent and upstanding capitalists who stand
alone and don't burden others, but that's far from the truth.